Do the Wright thing

By PAUL WILLIAM ROBERTS


From Saturday's Globe and Mail

 

 

A Short History of Progress
By Ronald Wright
Anansi, 211 pages, $18.95

 

Some wicked men are rich,
some good men poor;
But I would rather trust in
what's secure;
Our virtue sticks with us and
makes us strong,
But money changes owners
all day long.


Solon (circa 570 BC)

 

 

Bad times elicit great art. From Tu Fu to Thomas Mann, from Solon to Solzhenitsyn, the maxim holds true enough. During a previous imperial catastrophe in Vietnam, the United States had a full contingent of internationally renowned writers, poets and intellectuals as its conscience. People such as Robert Lowell, Norman Mailer and Gore Vidal added distinguished, eloquent voices to civilization's global choir belting out its requiem for burning monks, defoliation and napalm. Vidal and Mailer, sparring liberals (the past really is another country), were household names, known if not from printed words, then from frequent talk-show appearances (yes, writers on talk-shows: most curious). They led the relentless march of anti-war and anti-government sentiments. It was the Sixties, a hopeful time that currently seems to be a lifetime away.

Now on another ill-advised but altogether much more dangerous and destructive bender, in which it is also deaf to reason, the Land of the Brave ought to be producing an American Voltaire or Swift. But it has dismissed higher education on the whole as unproductive, made the term "intellectual" a pejorative (the post being easily filled by Bill O'Reilly and similarly loud-mouthed, empty-headed vulgarians), and ensured itself the posthumous title "Those Who Refused To Learn From The Lessons of History," since such lessons are difficult to absorb when most high schools have redefined history as America since 1776.

Little wonder the only household name to observe impertinently that the emperor is naked is Michael Moore, stand-up philosopher, auteur, actor, author and a man who would find one of Norman Mailer's shoes spacious enough to screen a feature documentary in, and house a library, too. The Palme D'Or was surely France's subtle revenge against a sea of crass indignities, since Moore's scant regard for facts would under normal circumstances limit the horizons of his documentary ambitions to the Fox Network.

What the United States needs at this moment, in fact, is Ronald Wright, but he's ours. Besides, Wright's definition of history makes the span of years between now and Thomas Jefferson amount to the twitch of a second hand on the timepiece that one feels certain dangles from a gold chain in his waistcoat pocket. For Wright, novelist, historian, scientist, essayist, inveterate traveller and my favourite travel writer bar none, feels like an Immortal based in the late 19th century. His is one of the last truly expansive and comprehensively erudite minds I am aware of, and while he is very much a part of his own time, so much of his intellect inhabits an often very, very distant past that his prose frequently takes on an aura of the classical. I find myself reading his books with the kind of reverence normally reserved for those of writers a millennium or more dead.

Perhaps this practice was just as well, because A Short History of Progress — doubling as this fall's Massey Lectures — is the most important use of printed word and post-consumer recycled fibres I have seen since Jérôme Deshusses's Délivrez Prométhée, 25 years ago. Unlike the Swiss-French philosopher, whose ecologically themed critique of humanity was, to say the least, leadenly pessimistic and at times downright misanthropic, Wright's observations of past civilizations and predictions for our own fate drawn from them are guardedly optimistic. But don't break out the balloons yet.

I have an aversion to pundits who tell us to read this or that book, but I will make an exception here. I don't care if you have never read and will never read any kind of book at all, but you must read this one. If you can't read, pay someone to read it to you. Admittedly, I do have a vested interest in your reading it — as do our six billion fellow earthlings, not to mention an awful lot of flora and fauna. If each citizen were given a copy by Ottawa, it would be tax money well spent for once, for who can put a cost on saving our own future? Such is Wright's lofty purpose.

The book takes as its epigraph some lines from Ovid's Amores that conclude: "Clever human nature, victim of your inventions,/ disastrously creative,/ why cordon cities with towered walls?/ Why arm for war?"

The book's subtext, skillfully alluded to, is the world's biggest current human problem: U.S. hubris. Yet it is a measure of Wright's skill that he need hardly ever mention George W. Bush or even the United States by name for the most remote Paleolithic fact to have sudden resonance. He has such a firm grasp of his goal that scarcely a word is extraneous, and he achieves in a mere 132 pages what another author — me, for instance — couldn't manage in 1,300. You feel you've read volumes, though, not just because of the density of Wright's thoughts, but due to the crushing weight of the burden they carry. In prose that is balefully evocative and irreducibly precise, Wright is in effect reading us our rights, giving us our options. This is Wright's Riot Act, and its words now burn in the sky above my head.

It is tempting to see this book prefigured by all of his previous work, from the shimmering insights of Time Among the Maya, a touching portrait of an all-but-lost civilization, through the grim indictment of European colonists and their genocide in the Americas of Stolen Continents, right up to the initially playful and charming, then suddenly profound and chilling Wellesian dystopia of A Scientific Romance. But I doubt if anyone could carry this weight so long and remain as cheerful as Wright invariably seems. The appalling series of barbaric acts following Sept.11, 2001, seems to have threaded these pearls into their necklace. After all, it was, as U.S. television pundits like to say, “a defining moment.”

Wright begins with a classic work of art, a phoenix that rose from the ashes of “illness, poverty, and suicidal despair”: Paul Gauguin’s vast and breathtaking canvas, the title of which is written “boldly on the image.” It is “three childlike questions, simple yet profound D'ou venons nous? Que sommes nous? Ou allons nous Where do we come from? What are we? Where are we going?" The author tells us it is this last question that he intends to answer, adding slyly that, despite its prophetic nature, he believes it can be answered by answering the other two questions first. "If we see clearly what we are and what we have done, we can recognize human behaviour that persists through many times and cultures. Knowing this can tell us what we are likely to do, where we are likely to go from here."

Unlike the reader, Wright knew when he wrote that what the conclusions were, knew what we are and what we have done. And what we are likely to do. Were he just another New Age Jeremiah saying "woe unto us," it would be easy (and comforting) to dismiss the following pages as paranoid fantasy. But Wright is a Cambridge-educated scientist, and his synthesis of human achievement assembles the leading edges in numerous disciplines, all backed up by hard (at times adamantine) facts.

In summarizing our humble and hirsute origins in earth's zoo, he manages to make those embarrassing relatives, the Neanderthals and Cro-Magnons, seem ..... well, human. Citing the New Yorker cartoon that has a spruced-up Neanderthal in suit, tie and fedora passing unnoticed on a New York subway, he tackles the tricky issue of what happened to our burly distant cousins with tactful optimism. Even if the lean, mean Cro-Magnons did a spot of ethnic cleansing with their Neanderthal co-inhabitants, it was a war that lasted 10,000 years and it would have taken generations for the victor to realize his victory. Not unlike the fatuous but endless "War on Terror." Besides, there was almost certainly a fair amount of interbreeding — consensual or otherwise — along the way, and traces of the Neanderthal skull (containing a brain larger than ours) can still be found.

As a species, one of our most worrying traits is an ability to achieve absolutely nothing for dozens of millennia at a stretch. Progress out of the numerous and lengthy Stone Ages was not swift, and "prehistory, like history, tells us that the nice folk didn't win, that we are at best the heirs of many ruthless victories and at worst the heirs of genocide."

Here Wright introduces his major theme, the "progress trap." Our perfection of hunting skills resulted in a drastic decrease, and in some cases extinction, of the animals we hunted. We clambered out of this trap by the invention of farming, which led to "our greatest experiment: worldwide civilization." Lest the reader sigh with pride at his ancestors' plucky, relentless ingenuity, Wright adds: "Could civilization itself be another and much greater trap?"

Ever mindful of the canvas upon which we all daub our lives — time — Wright periodically creates a perspective that acts like a billiard rack, fencing in the bubbles of fancy we may have set loose: "The Old Stone Age began 3 million years ago ..... and ended only 12,000 years ago ..... in human terms [it] is a deep abyss of time — more than 99.5 per cent of our existence — from which we crawled into the soft beds of civilization only yesterday."

Yet more people have lived a civilized life than any other sort. "Civilization does not run deep in time, but it runs wide, for it is both the cause and the effect of a population boom that has yet to level off," Wright says. Perhaps to remind the reader that he is using "civilization" in its formal, scientific sense, Wright tells us bluntly that civilized man has always believed himself to be better than the "savage," but "the moral values attached to civilization are specious: too often used to justify attacking and dominating other, less powerful, societies. ..... Nowadays, Washington claims to lead and safeguard 'the civilized world,' a tradition in American rhetoric that began with the uprooting and exterminating of that country's first inhabitants." In case an Osama bin Laden or any other reader feels glee at the thought of civilization's demise, Wright also reminds us that "there is no other way to support humanity in anything like our present numbers or estate. All of us are riding on this tiger; few would get off alive."

The narrative pace is breathless. Wright's urgency pulls like an ocean tide. He next tells us that if the Old Stone Age seems impossibly far off, it is only six times further back than the year 1 AD, and "the big changes since we left the cave have all been cultural, not physical. A long-lived species like ours can't evolve significantly over so short an interval. This means that while culture and technology are cumulative, innate intelligence is not." He notes that a Paleolithic child beamed down into the 21st century would have an even chance at earning a degree in astrophysics: "We are running twenty-first century software on hardware last upgraded 50,000 years ago or more. This may explain a lot of what we see in the news."

Something ought to explain it.

Later on, Wright suggests that a police report on Homo Sapiens would characterize him as a serial killer, violent, self-destructive, very dangerous and not especially intelligent. As the book moves through detailed studies of past civilizations that civilized themselves back to savagery with puzzling deliberation, and often through ideological pathologies that possessed them with the ferocity of demons, the far horizon becomes steadily clearer. "I have seen the future," as Leonard Cohen sings, "it is murder." And there are now six billion suspects on our little planet.

While the cowboys of untrammeled capitalism, with their "free trade" rodeo, are chastised for the irresponsibility of their rapacious greed, and while Karl Marx is credited with much of the wisdom and scientific common sense that could have stopped us talking to our pockets and started us listening to the planet's myriad complaints before it was too late to reform, Wright is not offering a socialist utopia, or indeed any kind of political solution. We may well be forced to eat the rich (and anyone else weak and nutritious enough to hunt down easily), but when we come to this pass, rich and poor will be in the same boat.

What Ronald Wright is offering here are the facts about our future as a species. To say they are grim is an understatement as ludicrous as to dismiss them as alarmist. They cannot be dismissed. And they must be acted upon by each of us. The transmutation of our southern neighbour from easygoing cowpoke to trigger-happy, militarized survivalist is not entirely unexpected, yet it is also a symptom of its own causes. Like a dog chasing its tail, it will only break the narrowing cycle when it bites itself. In the meantime, as Wright points out, it leads the world in destroying the environment through waste, greed and folly, which means we shall all suffer unless those we elect to lead reveal some leadership and intervene with Washington, some of whose Christian fundamentalists have said they believe Jesus will return before the planet dies, so it is sacrilegious to tend to earth's needs. Christianity is, after all, a death cult.

My children will suffer, and their children will endure enormous hardships unless we act now, Wright says. That's how bad it is. "Necessity is always the tyrant's plea," as Milton observed, and the tyrants in Washington will try to divert our attention from the real to the unreal war they want to wage forever. The "free marketeers," with their fantasies of endless corporate growth, will throw up other obstacles. This wise, timely and brilliant book will be a bulwark against the short-sighted and the self-interested, and may also ironically save them from themselves.

Should we fail, we can perhaps console ourselves that the terminally bad times ushered in at least ought to provoke some fine twilight art. I, for one, however, will try to remember and act upon Ronald Wright's parting words: "Now is our last chance to get the future right." Our last chance .....